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Zawiya (institution)... زاوية‎‎...کرامات‎‎ ...Karamat....Zawāyā..."interpretation of the secrets of hearts".transmission of divine light from the teacher's heart to the heart of the student..Ali Ben Omar Mosque in Tolga - Wilaya of Biskra

Zawiya (institution)... زاوية‎‎...کرامات‎‎ ...Karamat....Zawāyā...
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To the Sufi, it is the transmission of divine light from the teacher's heart to the heart of the student, rather than worldly knowledge, that allows the adept to progress. They further believe that the teacher should attempt inerrantly to follow the Divine Law. According to Moojan Momen "one of the most important doctrines of Sufism is the concept of al-Insan al-Kamil "the Perfect Man". This doctrine states that there will always exist upon the earth a "Qutb" (Pole or Axis of the Universe)—a man who is the perfect channel of grace from God to man and in a state of wilayah (sanctity, being under the protection of Allah). The concept of the Sufi Qutb is similar to that of the Shi'i Imam. However, this belief puts Sufism in "direct conflict" with Shia Islam, since both the Qutb (who for most Sufi orders is the head of the order) and the Imam fulfill the role of "the purveyor of spiritual guidance and of Allah's grace to mankind". The vow of obedience to the Shaykh or Qutb which is taken by Sufis is considered incompatible with devotion to the Imam". As a further example, the prospective adherent of the Mevlevi Order would have been ordered to serve in the kitchens of a hospice for the poor for 1001 days prior to being accepted for spiritual instruction, and a further 1,001 days in solitary retreat as a precondition of completing that instruction. Some teachers, especially when addressing more general audiences, or mixed groups of Muslims and non-Muslims, make extensive use of parable, allegory, and metaphor. Although approaches to teaching vary among different Sufi orders, Sufism as a whole is primarily concerned with direct personal experience, and as such has sometimes been compared to other, non-Islamic forms of mysticism (e.g., as in the books of Hossein Nasr). Many Sufi believe that to reach the highest levels of success in Sufism typically requires that the disciple live with and serve the teacher for a long period of time.[citation needed] An example is the folk story about Baha-ud-Din Naqshband Bukhari, who gave his name to the Naqshbandi Order. He is believed to have served his first teacher, Sayyid Muhammad Baba As-Samasi, for 20 years, until as-Samasi died. He is said to then have served several other teachers for lengthy periods of time. He is said to have helped the poorer members of the community for many years and after this concluded his teacher directed him to care for animals cleaning their wounds, and assisting them.The mosque is the most influential in the region. It houses a Koranic school of Tariqa Tidjania and the Zawiya (institution) Othmania...A zaouia or zawiya (Arabic: زاوية‎‎ zāwiyah; "assembly" "group" or "circle", also spelled zawiyah, zawiyya, zaouiya, zaouïa and zwaya) is an Islamic religious school or monastery. The term is Maghrebi and West African, roughly corresponding to the Eastern term madrasa. A zawiya often contains a pool, and sometimes a fountainIn precolonial times, these were the primary sources for education in the area, and taught basic literacy to a large proportion of children even in quite remote mountainous areas - leading to the generally accepted speculation that literacy rates in Algeria at the time of the French conquest in 1830 were higher than those of European France.Their curriculum began with memorization of the Arabic alphabet and the later, shorter suras of the Qur'an; if a student was sufficiently interested or apt, it progressed to law (fiqh), theology, Arabic grammar (usually taught with al-Ajurrumi's famous summary), mathematics (mainly as it pertained to the complex legal system of inheritance distribution), and sometimes astronomy. These are still operational throughout the Maghreb, and continue to be a major educational resource in the Sahel of West Africa, from Mauritania to Nigeria.In the Arab world, the term zawiya can also refer to a Sufi lodge, akin to the term Tekke/Tekyeh in Iran, Turkey and the former Ottoman areas, as well as khanqah or dargah used in various parts of Asia. An example is the Hilaliyya Zawiya in Syria. One of the best known living or contemporary zawiyas is the Zawiya of Sheikh Ahmed Tijani located in Fes, Morocco. There are several extensions or sub-zawiyas affiliated with this Zawiya located in various places around the worldAmong the Hassaniya Arabic-speaking populations of Mauritania, Western Sahara, Morocco, Mali and Algeria (often referred to as Moors/Maure and Sahrawis), the term is also used to signify a certain type of tribe. Sahrawi-Moorish society was traditionally (and still is, to some extent) stratified into several tribal castes, with the Hassane warrior tribes ruling and extracting tribute—horma—from the subservient znaga tribes. A middle caste was formed by the Zawāyā, or scholarly tribes, who provided religious teaching and services. This did not necessarily mean that they maintained a monastery or school as described above, since all these tribes were more or less nomadic. However, important shaikhs and Sufis of the would sometimes create schools, or, after their deaths, their Shrine would turn into holy places of significance to the tribe its called Mazaar. Often, the Zawāyā were descended from Sanhadja Berbers, while the Hassane claimed lineage from the Beni Hassan Arabs. Even if intermarriage and tribal alliances made the distinction difficult to maintain from a scientific perspective, it was culturally important; however, from about the 19th century, most or all Sahrawi-Moorish tribes had adopted the Hassaniyya Arabic dialect and come to regard themselves as Arabs. Sometimes, the Zawāyā and Hassane roles changed with this: military and economic strength would often lead to a gradual redefinition of the tribe's role, and, simultaneously, to its self-perception of religious and ethnic background. Especially in the northern Hassane areas, i.e. today's Western Sahara, the Zawāyāa tribes were more or less synonymous with the Chorfa, tribes who claimed descent from the Prophet Muhammad. In the areas corresponding broadly to today's Mauritania, this was not necessarily so; there, the name "Marabout" is also used synonymously with "Zawāyā" in its tribal meaning.The Zawāyā are tribes in the southern Sahara who have traditionally followed a deeply religious way of life. They accepted a subordinate position to the warrior tribes, whether Arab or Berber, who had little interest in Islam. The Zawāyā introduced Sufi brotherhoods to the black populations south of the Sahara. The jihad movements of the Fula people in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries have their origins with the Zawāyā. Today the Zawāyā are one of the two noble castes of MauritaniaThe Zawāyā[a] were nomadic tribes from the arid lands to the north and east of the Senegal River in West Africa. Their religious beliefs may possibly be traced back to the eleventh century Almoravid movement, although their generally more passive attitude is in contrast to that of the militant Almoravids. They gave great importance to teaching the Islamic religious sciences and to reciting the Quran.The Zawāyā attempted to avoid conflict with the stronger warrior groups by renouncing arms and paying tribute. In the west, the Zawāyā were of Berber origin, while after the fifteenth century the warrior tribes were Arab. In the center, the reverse applied. The Zawāyā were Arab, while Berber or Tuareg tribes held military and political power.The Zawāyā, with their passive lifestyle of herding, prayer and study, were treated with some contempt by the stronger groups, but this was mingled with respect. A story was told by the sixteenth century Timbuktu jurist al-Muṣallī, so-called because he worshiped in the mosque so often. He was a Zawāyā from the west and a regular attendant at the teaching circle of the jurist Maḥmūd, grandson of Anda Ag-Muhammad in the female line. Al-Muṣallī resolved to ask for the hand of Maḥmūd's daughter in marriage. Before he could make his proposal Maḥmūd politely deflected it, saying that "birds of a feather flock together". The separation of the tribes of this region into warrior and Zawāyā tribes had probably occurred before the fifteenth century. By then some of the Zawāyā were moving south to avoid the depredations of the warrior tribes, risking conflict with the sedentary populations of Chemama, Gorgol and Tagant.During the fifteenth century the Beni Ḥassān Arab nomads began to enter the region. Hassāni rulers imposed heavy tributes on the Zawāyā, but did not give them effective protection against their enemies.[8] Although subordinate to the Banū Ḥassan warriors, the Zawāyā ranked above other Berbers. These in turn ranked above blacksmiths, who were said to be Jewish in origin, and mixed-race people.In the late seventeenth century, Awbek Ashfaga of the Banū Daymān tribe, later to style himself Nāșir al-Din ("Protector of the Faith"), emerged as a leader of the Zawāyā tribes in resisting the Hassān. He was widely respected for his scholarship, purity of life and healing ability. His goal was to establish an ideal Islamic society based on the original organization of the first caliphs, where ethnic and tribal differences would be ignored. Nāșir al-Din demanded strict obedience to his authority by the Zawāyā. He set out to create a secure and stable administration in the southern Sahara, led by himself, his vizier and four qāḍīs. To do so he would defeat warriors who failed to follow Islamic principles and who harmed the faithful, and would establish a theocratic state that rose above tribal divisions and followed the commands of God. Rather than immediately attack the Hassān, in 1673 Nāșir al-Din launched his jihad with an invasion across the Senegal River into the Futa Tooro and Wolof states. This would give him control of the trade in gum with the French on the Senegal, a source of income for his new state. He then imposed the zakāt legal tax on the tributary tribes to the north of the Senegal. When one of these tribes called for assistance from the Hassān, war broke out.[11] Nāșir al-Din was supported by most but not all of the Zawāyā, although some disputed his authority to impose the zakāt and did not assist him. There were at least three battles, in each of which the Zawāyā defeated the Hassān. However, in the last battle, which probably took place in August 1674, Nāșir al-Din and many of his immediate entourage were killed. The Zawāyā elected Sīdī al-Fāḍil as Nāșir al-Din's successor, who took the name of al-Amīn. Al-Amīn was disposed to make peace with the Hassān, and they were willing to accept his religious authority but not his right to levy the zakat. Most of the Zawāyā were opposed to the peace, and deposed al-Amīn, replacing him with 'Uthmān, the former vizier and close friend of Nāșir al-Din. 'Uthmān took an aggressive stance against the Hassān, and again attempted to enforce collection of the zakāt. His tax collectors were massacred by a Trarza chief who had come to the assistance of the weaker tribes, and 'Uthmān was killed in battle by the Wolof. His successors were decisively defeated by the Hassān.Following this defeat, the Zawāyā lost all temporal power and again became strictly tributary to the Hassān, and were parceled out among the Hassān groups. They had to provide milk from their herds to the Hassān warriors and provide them with saddles. They had to let the Hassān take the first bucket of water from their wells, and had to feed and shelter Hassān women in time of need. This seems to have been a return to their condition before the revolt started. Many of the Zawāyā continued their religious studies after puberty, while others engaged in commerce, agriculture, livestock management or hired out their labor where the work was consist with their religious practices. The Zawāyā were required to educate the Ḥassanī children. Although subject to the Hassān, their religious influence on their Arab masters grew. The economic and political structure of the region changed as contact with Europeans increased. Slaves were increasingly used to mine salt and cultivate crops in the oases rather than as trade goods. The French continued to expand the gum trade, particularly after 1815. This brought increased prosperity to the Hassāni of Ida Aish, who controlled the trade to Bakel on the Senega River, and took some of the profits that the Zawāyā had traditionally made from collecting and selling gum. However, a clerical leader managed to establish an alternative gum market at Medine, further upstream, competing with the Hassāni. Both the Zawāyā and the Hassāni became more wealthy in slaves and material property, but a shift in the balance of power occurred as more students and clients were attracted to the Zawāyā, who also acquired better arms.The rise of the Zawāyā as merchants coincided with growth in demand for religious instruction.The distinction between Zawāyā and Hassāni also began to blur, as each group entered the traditional occupations of the other. In modern Mauritania, the Zawāyā and Hassāni are both considered noble castes, dominating the politics of the country.The Zawāyā introduced sub-Saharan Africans to the two main Sufi brotherhoods. Muhammed al-Hafiz (1759/60-1830) and his people transmitted the Tijaniyyah, while the Kunta, including the scholars Shaykh Sidi Mukhtar (1729-1811) and his son Sidi Muhammad, transmitted the Qadiriyya. There are records of Zawāyā moving into the lands south of the Senegal in the seventeenth century, where they proselytized and intermarried with the local people. Nāșir al-Din had gained support from the Torodbe clerical clan of Futa Tooro in his struggle. After the defeat in 1674, some of the Torodbe migrated south to Bundu and some continued on to the Fouta Djallon. The Torodbe, the kinsmen of the Fulbe of the Fouta Djallon, influenced them in embracing a more militant form of Islam. In 1726 or 1727 the Fulbe were to launch their successful jihad in the Fouta Djallon.[26] Later the Fulbe would establish Islamic states in Futa Tooro (1776), Sokoto (1808) and Masina (1818). The Kunta became particularly influential in the eighteenth century. Many of them moved east to the region north of Timbuktu and became salt merchants. They adopted the teachings of the fifteenth century cleric Muhammad al-Maghili, said to be the first to introduce the Qadiriyya Sufi brotherhood to the western Sudan. The Kunta produced several important clerics, of whom Sidi Mukhtar had the greatest impact.[6] Sidi Mukhtar became the leader of a Tuareg coalition dominated by the Kunta that controlled the Niger bend and surrounding areas. He is also credited with authoring over 300 treatises. His sponsorship of the proselytizing Sufi tariqas, particularly the Qadiriyya order, meant that Islam was no longer the private religion of Saharan traders, but began to steadily spread among the black populations of the Sahel and further south. Many West African libraries and collections of Islamic writings include works by Zawāyā authors. Most of these writings are in Arabic.Today the Zawāyā continue to be in demand as teachers of the Quran in West African Islamic schools.
In Islamic mysticism, karamat (Arabic: کرامات‎‎ karāmāt, pl. of کرامة karāmah, lit. generosity, high-mindedness refers to supernatural wonders performed by Muslim saints. In the technical vocabulary of Islamic religious sciences, the singular form karama has a sense similar to charism, a favor or spiritual gift freely bestowed by God. The marvels ascribed to Muslim saints have included supernatural physical actions, predictions of the future, and "interpretation of the secrets of hearts".Historically, a "belief in the miracles of saints (karāmāt al-awliyāʾ, literally 'marvels of the friends [of God]')" has been "a requirement in Sunni Islam."This is evident from the fact that an acceptance of the miracles wrought by saints is taken for granted by many of the major authors of the Islamic Golden Age (ca. 700-1400),[4] as well as by many prominent late-medieval scholars.[4] According to orthodox Sunni doctrine, all miracles performed by saints are done by the leave of God,and usually involve a "breaking of the natural order of things" (k̲h̲āriḳ li’l-ʿāda)," or represent, in other words, "an extraordinary happening which breaks the 'divine custom' (sunnat Allāh) which is the normal course of events."Traditionally, Sunni Islam has also strictly emphasized that the miracle of a saint, however extraordinary it may be, is never in any way the "sign of a prophetic mission," and this has been stressed in order to safeguard the Islamic doctrine of Muhammad being the Seal of the Prophets. The doctrine of the karāmāt al-awliyāʾ, which became enshrined as an orthodox and required belief in many of the most prominent Sunni creeds of the classical era such as the Creed of Tahawi (ca. 900) and the Creed of Nasafi (ca. 1000), emerged from the two basic Islamic doctrinal sources of the Quran and the hadith.[2] As the Quran referred to the miracles of non-prophetic saintly people like Khidr (18:65-82), the disciples of Jesus (5:111-115), and the People of the Cave (18:7-26), amongst many others, many prominent early scholars deduced that a group of venerable people must exist who occupy a rank below the prophets but who are nevertheless capable of performing miracles. The references in the corpus of hadith literature to bona fide miracle-working saints like the pre-Islamic Jurayj̲ (seemingly an Arabic form of the Greek Grēgorios), only lent further credence to this early understanding of the miracles of the saints. The fourteenth-century Hanbali scholar Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328), in spite of his well-known objections to the visiting of saints' graves, nevertheless stated: "The miracles of saints are absolutely true and correct, by the acceptance of all Muslim scholars. And the Qur'an has pointed to it in different places, and the sayings of the Prophet have mentioned it, and whoever denies the miraculous power of saints are only people who are innovators and their followers."As one contemporary scholar has expressed it, practically all of the major scholars of the classical and medieval eras believed that "the lives of saints and their miracles were incontestable."In the modern world, this doctrine of the miracles of saints has been challenged by certain movements within the branches of Salafism, Wahhabism, and Islamic modernism, as certain followers of some of these movements have come to view the very idea of Muslim saints "as being both un-Islamic and backwards ... rather than the integral part of Islam which they were for over a millennium."Islamic modernists, in particular, have had a tendency to dismiss the traditional idea of miracles of saints as "superstitious" rather than authentically Islamic. Despite the presence, however, of these opposing streams of thought, the classical doctrine continues to thrive in many parts of the Islamic world today, playing a vital role in the daily piety of vast portions of Muslim countries like Pakistan, Egypt, Turkey, Senegal, Iraq, Iran, Algeria, Tunisia, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Morocco, as well as in countries with substantive Islamic populations like India, China, Russia, and the Balkans.
Date: 2017-08-27 17:42:46

زاوية‎‎ zawiya Othmania mosquee Tolga Algeria sahara moors saharawi scholarie tribe school sufi islam religious light theology astronomy koranic tariqa monastery Tidjania minaret menara Karamat کرامات‎‎ divine transmission heart perfect-man allegory metaphor Aldebaran élévation sternenweg starway Helmut.Lutz Alchemy Alchemie Quintessenz newage rebirth exoplanète portedesétoile stargate sternentor décorporation intersidéral astral

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This is just beautiful!!!
Vita es Splendor 2017-09-05 02:13:29
Grazie per aver condiviso questo scatto con noi
Thank you for sharing your picture with us
paspog 2018-04-14 16:32:12

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